Write a database and a thesis statement for the following prompt: Turn in the database to me by Monday or Tuesday of next week and share the thesis as your comment.
Explain why and how the role of the federal government changed as a result of the Civil War with respect to TWO of the following during the period 1861-1877.
Race relations
economic development
westward expansion
Tuesday, March 25, 2008
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
New ID's for Unit 6 Exam
1. detente
2. Cuban Missile Crisis
3. Bay of Pigs invasion
4. 26th Amendment
5. Domino Theory
6. vietnamization
7. Hanoi Jane
8. military industrial complex
9. War Powers Act 1973
10. Tonkin Gulf Resolution
11. Tet Offensive
12. Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
13. Henry Kissinger
14. Pentagon Papers
15. New York Times v. United States
2. Cuban Missile Crisis
3. Bay of Pigs invasion
4. 26th Amendment
5. Domino Theory
6. vietnamization
7. Hanoi Jane
8. military industrial complex
9. War Powers Act 1973
10. Tonkin Gulf Resolution
11. Tet Offensive
12. Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
13. Henry Kissinger
14. Pentagon Papers
15. New York Times v. United States
Tuesday, March 11, 2008
"The Long Telegram"
The following reading is an excerpt from a document known as the "Long Telegram." George Kennan, foreign diplomat to Soviet Union, outlined the Soviet mindset and suggested a policy of containment to the Secretary of State and President Truman. After reading this excerpt answer the following questions.
1. How does Kennan think we should deal with the political force of the Soviet Union?
2. How does Kennan describe Soviet power?
3. How do we educate the public, according to Kennan?
4. What can the United States offer to the people of Europe, according to Kennan?
5. Define the word "containment" in your own words.
Part 5: [Practical Deductions From Standpoint of US Policy]
In summary, we have here a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with US there can be no permanent modus vivendi that it is desirable and necessary that the internal harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken, if Soviet power is to be secure. This political force has complete power of disposition over energies of one of world's greatest peoples and resources of world's richest national territory, and is borne along by deep and powerful currents of Russian nationalism. In addition, it has an elaborate and far flung apparatus for exertion of its influence in other countries, an apparatus of amazing flexibility and versatility, managed by people whose experience and skill in underground methods are presumably without parallel in history. Finally, it is seemingly inaccessible to considerations of reality in its basic reactions. For it, the vast fund of objective fact about human society is not, as with us, the measure against which outlook is constantly being tested and re-formed, but a grab bag from which individual items are selected arbitrarily and tendenciously to bolster an outlook already preconceived. This is admittedly not a pleasant picture. Problem of how to cope with this force in [is] undoubtedly greatest task our diplomacy has ever faced and probably greatest it will ever have to face. It should be point of departure from which our political general staff work at present juncture should proceed. It should be approached with same thoroughness and care as solution of major strategic problem in war, and if necessary, with no smaller outlay in planning effort. I cannot attempt to suggest all answers here. But I would like to record my conviction that problem is within our power to solve--and that without recourse to any general military conflict.. And in support of this conviction there are certain observations of a more encouraging nature I should like to make:
(1) Soviet power, unlike that of Hitlerite Germany, is neither schematic nor adventunstic. It does not work by fixed plans. It does not take unnecessary risks. Impervious to logic of reason, and it is highly sensitive to logic of force. For this reason it can easily withdraw--and usually does when strong resistance is encountered at any point. Thus, if the adversary has sufficient force and makes clear his readiness to use it, he rarely has to do so. If situations are properly handled there need be no prestige-engaging showdowns.
(2) Gauged against Western World as a whole, Soviets are still by far the weaker force. Thus, their success will really depend on degree of cohesion, firmness and vigor which Western World can muster. And this is factor which it is within our power to influence.
(3) Success of Soviet system, as form of internal power, is not yet finally proven. It has yet to be demonstrated that it can survive supreme test of successive transfer of power from one individual or group to another. Lenin's death was first such transfer, and its effects wracked Soviet state for 15 years. After Stalin's death or retirement will be second. But even this will not be final test. Soviet internal system will now be subjected, by virtue of recent territorial expansions, to series of additional strains which once proved severe tax on Tsardom. We here are convinced that never since termination of civil war have mass of Russian people been emotionally farther removed from doctrines of Communist Party than they are today. In Russia, party has now become a great and--for the moment--highly successful apparatus of dictatorial administration, but it has ceased to be a source of emotional inspiration. Thus, internal soundness and permanence of movement need not yet be regarded as assured.
(4) All Soviet propaganda beyond Soviet security sphere is basically negative and destructive. It should therefore be relatively easy to combat it by any intelligent and really constructive program.
For those reasons I think we may approach calmly and with good heart problem of how to deal with Russia. As to how this approach should be made, I only wish to advance, by way of conclusion, following comments:
(1) Our first step must be to apprehend, and recognize for what it is, the nature of the movement with which we are dealing. We must study it with same courage, detachment, objectivity, and same determination not to be emotionally provoked or unseated by it, with which doctor studies unruly and unreasonable individual.
(2) We must see that our public is educated to realities of Russian situation. I cannot over-emphasize importance of this. Press cannot do this alone. It must be done mainly by Government, which is necessarily more experienced and better informed on practical problems involved. In this we need not be deterred by [ugliness?] of picture. I am convinced that there would be far less hysterical anti-Sovietism in our country today if realities of this situation were better understood by our people. There is nothing as dangerous or as terrifying as the unknown. It may also be argued that to reveal more information on our difficulties with Russia would reflect unfavorably on Russian-American relations. I feel that if there is any real risk here involved, it is one which we should have courage to face, and sooner the better. But I cannot see what we would be risking. Our stake in this country, even coming on heels of tremendous demonstrations of our friendship for Russian people, is remarkably small. We have here no investments to guard, no actual trade to lose, virtually no citizens to protect, few cultural contacts to preserve. Our only stake lies in what we hope rather than what we have; and I am convinced we have better chance of realizing those hopes if our public is enlightened and if our dealings with Russians are placed entirely on realistic and matter-of-fact basis.
(3) Much depends on health and vigor of our own society. World communism is like malignant parasite which feeds only on diseased tissue. This is point at which domestic and foreign policies meets Every courageous and incisive measure to solve internal problems of our own society, to improve self-confidence, discipline, morale and community spirit of our own people, is a diplomatic victory over Moscow worth a thousand diplomatic notes and joint communiqués. If we cannot abandon fatalism and indifference in face of deficiencies of our own society, Moscow will profit--Moscow cannot help profiting by them in its foreign policies.
(4) We must formulate and put forward for other nations a much more positive and constructive picture of sort of world we would like to see than we have put forward in past. It is not enough to urge people to develop political processes similar to our own. Many foreign peoples, in Europe at least, are tired and frightened by experiences of past, and are less interested in abstract freedom than in security. They are seeking guidance rather than responsibilities. We should be better able than Russians to give them this. And unless we do, Russians certainly will.
(5) Finally we must have courage and self-confidence to cling to our own methods and conceptions of human society. After Al, the greatest danger that can befall us in coping with this problem of Soviet communism, is that we shall allow ourselves to become like those with whom we are coping.
1. How does Kennan think we should deal with the political force of the Soviet Union?
2. How does Kennan describe Soviet power?
3. How do we educate the public, according to Kennan?
4. What can the United States offer to the people of Europe, according to Kennan?
5. Define the word "containment" in your own words.
Part 5: [Practical Deductions From Standpoint of US Policy]
In summary, we have here a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with US there can be no permanent modus vivendi that it is desirable and necessary that the internal harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken, if Soviet power is to be secure. This political force has complete power of disposition over energies of one of world's greatest peoples and resources of world's richest national territory, and is borne along by deep and powerful currents of Russian nationalism. In addition, it has an elaborate and far flung apparatus for exertion of its influence in other countries, an apparatus of amazing flexibility and versatility, managed by people whose experience and skill in underground methods are presumably without parallel in history. Finally, it is seemingly inaccessible to considerations of reality in its basic reactions. For it, the vast fund of objective fact about human society is not, as with us, the measure against which outlook is constantly being tested and re-formed, but a grab bag from which individual items are selected arbitrarily and tendenciously to bolster an outlook already preconceived. This is admittedly not a pleasant picture. Problem of how to cope with this force in [is] undoubtedly greatest task our diplomacy has ever faced and probably greatest it will ever have to face. It should be point of departure from which our political general staff work at present juncture should proceed. It should be approached with same thoroughness and care as solution of major strategic problem in war, and if necessary, with no smaller outlay in planning effort. I cannot attempt to suggest all answers here. But I would like to record my conviction that problem is within our power to solve--and that without recourse to any general military conflict.. And in support of this conviction there are certain observations of a more encouraging nature I should like to make:
(1) Soviet power, unlike that of Hitlerite Germany, is neither schematic nor adventunstic. It does not work by fixed plans. It does not take unnecessary risks. Impervious to logic of reason, and it is highly sensitive to logic of force. For this reason it can easily withdraw--and usually does when strong resistance is encountered at any point. Thus, if the adversary has sufficient force and makes clear his readiness to use it, he rarely has to do so. If situations are properly handled there need be no prestige-engaging showdowns.
(2) Gauged against Western World as a whole, Soviets are still by far the weaker force. Thus, their success will really depend on degree of cohesion, firmness and vigor which Western World can muster. And this is factor which it is within our power to influence.
(3) Success of Soviet system, as form of internal power, is not yet finally proven. It has yet to be demonstrated that it can survive supreme test of successive transfer of power from one individual or group to another. Lenin's death was first such transfer, and its effects wracked Soviet state for 15 years. After Stalin's death or retirement will be second. But even this will not be final test. Soviet internal system will now be subjected, by virtue of recent territorial expansions, to series of additional strains which once proved severe tax on Tsardom. We here are convinced that never since termination of civil war have mass of Russian people been emotionally farther removed from doctrines of Communist Party than they are today. In Russia, party has now become a great and--for the moment--highly successful apparatus of dictatorial administration, but it has ceased to be a source of emotional inspiration. Thus, internal soundness and permanence of movement need not yet be regarded as assured.
(4) All Soviet propaganda beyond Soviet security sphere is basically negative and destructive. It should therefore be relatively easy to combat it by any intelligent and really constructive program.
For those reasons I think we may approach calmly and with good heart problem of how to deal with Russia. As to how this approach should be made, I only wish to advance, by way of conclusion, following comments:
(1) Our first step must be to apprehend, and recognize for what it is, the nature of the movement with which we are dealing. We must study it with same courage, detachment, objectivity, and same determination not to be emotionally provoked or unseated by it, with which doctor studies unruly and unreasonable individual.
(2) We must see that our public is educated to realities of Russian situation. I cannot over-emphasize importance of this. Press cannot do this alone. It must be done mainly by Government, which is necessarily more experienced and better informed on practical problems involved. In this we need not be deterred by [ugliness?] of picture. I am convinced that there would be far less hysterical anti-Sovietism in our country today if realities of this situation were better understood by our people. There is nothing as dangerous or as terrifying as the unknown. It may also be argued that to reveal more information on our difficulties with Russia would reflect unfavorably on Russian-American relations. I feel that if there is any real risk here involved, it is one which we should have courage to face, and sooner the better. But I cannot see what we would be risking. Our stake in this country, even coming on heels of tremendous demonstrations of our friendship for Russian people, is remarkably small. We have here no investments to guard, no actual trade to lose, virtually no citizens to protect, few cultural contacts to preserve. Our only stake lies in what we hope rather than what we have; and I am convinced we have better chance of realizing those hopes if our public is enlightened and if our dealings with Russians are placed entirely on realistic and matter-of-fact basis.
(3) Much depends on health and vigor of our own society. World communism is like malignant parasite which feeds only on diseased tissue. This is point at which domestic and foreign policies meets Every courageous and incisive measure to solve internal problems of our own society, to improve self-confidence, discipline, morale and community spirit of our own people, is a diplomatic victory over Moscow worth a thousand diplomatic notes and joint communiqués. If we cannot abandon fatalism and indifference in face of deficiencies of our own society, Moscow will profit--Moscow cannot help profiting by them in its foreign policies.
(4) We must formulate and put forward for other nations a much more positive and constructive picture of sort of world we would like to see than we have put forward in past. It is not enough to urge people to develop political processes similar to our own. Many foreign peoples, in Europe at least, are tired and frightened by experiences of past, and are less interested in abstract freedom than in security. They are seeking guidance rather than responsibilities. We should be better able than Russians to give them this. And unless we do, Russians certainly will.
(5) Finally we must have courage and self-confidence to cling to our own methods and conceptions of human society. After Al, the greatest danger that can befall us in coping with this problem of Soviet communism, is that we shall allow ourselves to become like those with whom we are coping.
Thursday, March 6, 2008
Unit 2 Review Assignment due 3/21!!!
Unit 2 Review Assignment (this assignment will help prepare you for the review portion on the test!)
Review Questions are going to focus on Chapters 13, 14, and 15 from the American Pageant and Chapters 8, 9,10 and 11 of the Review Book.
Sectionalism - Create a chart that highlights the key sectional issues facing the regions of the North, South, and West. Your chart must include information on how each section felt about tariffs, the National Bank, Land Policy, Native Americans, Slavery, and States’ Rights. Mr. Wise has a copy of the chart or you can make the chart on your own piece of paper.
Mass Democracy – Create a list of the major changes in politics from 1824-1840. Your list should help you answer the question: “Why is this time period considered the age of mass democracy?”
Immigration - Create a t-chart comparing Irish and German immigration. Your chart should include push/pull factors, major contributions, reaction/response.
The National Economy – Create a list of the major factors that contributed to the growth of a national economy by 1860. Include information on the westward movement, immigration, the factory system, commercial agriculture, and the transportation revolution.
Reform Movements, 1790-1860 – Create a list of the major reform movements up to 1860. Be sure to include their contributions to American culture and society and their lasting impact, if any.
Key topics that will show up on the review test: Erie Canal, cotton gin, “corrupt bargain”, spoils system, Jackson’s war on the Bank of the United States, Indian removal, the formation of the two-party system, Irish and German immigration, major transportation innovations, industrial workers before 1860, the sewing machine, temperance before 1860, Deists, Second Great Awakening and “camp meetings”, Second Great Awakening and the feminization of religion, public education before 1860, Dorothea Dix, Horace Mann, Brigham Young, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Utopian Communities, Henry David Thoreau, Walt Whitman, transcendentalists.
Review Questions are going to focus on Chapters 13, 14, and 15 from the American Pageant and Chapters 8, 9,10 and 11 of the Review Book.
Sectionalism - Create a chart that highlights the key sectional issues facing the regions of the North, South, and West. Your chart must include information on how each section felt about tariffs, the National Bank, Land Policy, Native Americans, Slavery, and States’ Rights. Mr. Wise has a copy of the chart or you can make the chart on your own piece of paper.
Mass Democracy – Create a list of the major changes in politics from 1824-1840. Your list should help you answer the question: “Why is this time period considered the age of mass democracy?”
Immigration - Create a t-chart comparing Irish and German immigration. Your chart should include push/pull factors, major contributions, reaction/response.
The National Economy – Create a list of the major factors that contributed to the growth of a national economy by 1860. Include information on the westward movement, immigration, the factory system, commercial agriculture, and the transportation revolution.
Reform Movements, 1790-1860 – Create a list of the major reform movements up to 1860. Be sure to include their contributions to American culture and society and their lasting impact, if any.
Key topics that will show up on the review test: Erie Canal, cotton gin, “corrupt bargain”, spoils system, Jackson’s war on the Bank of the United States, Indian removal, the formation of the two-party system, Irish and German immigration, major transportation innovations, industrial workers before 1860, the sewing machine, temperance before 1860, Deists, Second Great Awakening and “camp meetings”, Second Great Awakening and the feminization of religion, public education before 1860, Dorothea Dix, Horace Mann, Brigham Young, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Utopian Communities, Henry David Thoreau, Walt Whitman, transcendentalists.
Tuesday, March 4, 2008
Similarities and Differences Between The Wars
Create a list of similarities and differences between World War I and World War II. Include information on foreign policy and societal changes on the homefront.
Monday, February 25, 2008
Alphabet Soup
Analyze the successes and failures of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal Programs. Rank the top 10 most successful programs and the bottom 5 least successful. Write a paragraph summarizing the success of the New Deal. Write a paragraph summarizing the failure of the New Deal. Due Sunday 3/2 by 9pm!
Tuesday, February 12, 2008
Unit 5 Study Guide (Unit 1 Stuff)
Unit 5 Study Guide
1. 1649 Maryland Act of Toleration
2. Origins of representative government and Puritan society
3. creation of the colony of Georgia
4. all the acts leading to revolution (sugar, stamp, tea, etc…)
5. Massachusetts and public education
6. All world wars leading up to the French and Indian war
7. survival of Jamestown colony
8. importance of the mayflower compact
9. James Oglethorpe, Cecil Calvert, Anne Hutchinson, William Penn, and Roger Williams (what colonies did they found and why)
10. Bacon’s Rebellion
11. Significance of the fundamental orders of Connecticut
12. purpose of mercantilism
13. navigation act in the 17th and 18th centuries
14. Zenger trial
15. Impact and significance of the Great Awakening
16. Accomplishments of Benjamin Franklin
17. Pontiac’s Rebellion
18. John Dickinson and “no taxation without representation”
19. Significance of Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense”
20. All results of the Treaty of Paris, 1783
21. Impact of French aid at the end of the American Revolution(could we have won without it?)
22. what is the British argument of “virtual representation?” how does it affect American colonial representation in parliament?
23. Halfway Covenant
24. founding of Harvard and Yale
FRQ Topics:
Roosevelt and the role of the federal government
Analyze success of Progressive Reform from 1890-1915
Sorry but the test bank for unit 5 is too big to put on the blog. I checked again and it is on the u-drive. If you come into my classroom at lunch I will let you print it out, or you can come to study session and gets access to it as well.
1. 1649 Maryland Act of Toleration
2. Origins of representative government and Puritan society
3. creation of the colony of Georgia
4. all the acts leading to revolution (sugar, stamp, tea, etc…)
5. Massachusetts and public education
6. All world wars leading up to the French and Indian war
7. survival of Jamestown colony
8. importance of the mayflower compact
9. James Oglethorpe, Cecil Calvert, Anne Hutchinson, William Penn, and Roger Williams (what colonies did they found and why)
10. Bacon’s Rebellion
11. Significance of the fundamental orders of Connecticut
12. purpose of mercantilism
13. navigation act in the 17th and 18th centuries
14. Zenger trial
15. Impact and significance of the Great Awakening
16. Accomplishments of Benjamin Franklin
17. Pontiac’s Rebellion
18. John Dickinson and “no taxation without representation”
19. Significance of Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense”
20. All results of the Treaty of Paris, 1783
21. Impact of French aid at the end of the American Revolution(could we have won without it?)
22. what is the British argument of “virtual representation?” how does it affect American colonial representation in parliament?
23. Halfway Covenant
24. founding of Harvard and Yale
FRQ Topics:
Roosevelt and the role of the federal government
Analyze success of Progressive Reform from 1890-1915
Sorry but the test bank for unit 5 is too big to put on the blog. I checked again and it is on the u-drive. If you come into my classroom at lunch I will let you print it out, or you can come to study session and gets access to it as well.
Saturday, February 9, 2008
The Treaty of Versailles
Many historians have blamed the failure of the Treaty of Versailles for the start of WWII. Research at least two historical opinions on the Treaty of Versailles and state your opinion on why the treaty was either a failure or a success, make sure you back up your opinion with details. Due February 17th.
Upton Sinclair and the Jungle
Upton Sinclair's novel "the Jungle" was a muckraking novel that highlighted the poor working and conditions for workers in Chicago's meatpacking industry. His novel led to the passage of Meat Inspection Act and the Pure Food and Drug Act, which established the Food and Drug Administration of the federal government. Sinclair's novel was intended to be a socialist novel, he wanted to highlight the problems of urban life and influence the working class to rise up and seek a better solution. Why do you think that the message of socialism never truly caught on with the American people? What obstacles did the working class face? Do you agree with the socialist message? Why or why not? Responses due by February 17th.
Saturday, January 26, 2008
Josiah Strong and Imperialism
Josiah Strong, a Protestant clergyman and author of "Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (1885)" was a prominent leader in the movement to apply Darwinist principles to society (Social Darwinism). He, along with others like Herbert Spencer, Theodore Roosevelt, and Henry Cabot Lodge believed that the Anglo-Saxon race (basically those english-speaking descendants of western europe) was superior and was destined (in fact they almost felt it was his duty)to rule the world or a large portion of it. Carefully read the handout: Josiah Strong on Anglo-Saxon Predominance (1891) and answer the following questions:
1) What is Strong's overall message?
2) Would you consider Strong to be a racist?
3) What motivations would Strong have to promote his message? What are his
goals as a representative of the Protestant Church?
Remember to respond to at least two of your classmates posts!
Josiah Strong on Anglo-Saxon Predominance, 1891
________________________________________
It is not necessary to argue to those for whom I write that the two great needs of mankind, that all men may be lifted up into the light of the highest Christian civilization, are, first, a pure, spiritual Christianity, and second, civil liberty. Without controversy, these are the forces which, in the past, have contributed most to the elevation of the human race, and they must continue to be, in the future, the most efficient ministers to its progress. It follows, then, that the Anglo-Saxon, as the great representative of these two ideas, the depositary of these two greatest blessings, sustains peculiar relations to the world's future, is divinely commissioned to be, in a peculiar sense, his brother's keeper. Add to this the fact of his rapidly increasing strength in modem times, and we have well-nigh a demonstration of his destiny. In 1700 this race numbered less than 6,000,000 souls. In 1800, Anglo-Saxons (I use the term somewhat broadly to include all English speaking peoples) had increased to about 20,500,000, and now, in 1890, they number more than 120,000,000, having multiplied almost six-fold in ninety years. At the end of the reign of Charles 11, the English colonists in America numbered 200,000. During these two hundred years, our population has increased two hundred and fifty-fold. And the expansion of this race has been no less remarkable than its multiplication. In one century the United States has increased its territory ten-fold, while the enormous acquisition of foreign territory by Great Britain-and chiefly within the last hundred years-is wholly unparalleled in history. This mighty Anglo-Saxon race, though comprising only one-thirteenth part of mankind, now rules more than one-third of the earth's surface, and more than one-fourth of its people. And if this race, while growing from 6,000,000 to 120,000,000, thus gained possession of a third portion of the earth, is it to be supposed that when it numbers 1,000,000,000, it will lose the disposition, or lack the power to extend its sway? ...
America is to have the great preponderance of numbers and of wealth, and by the logic of events will follow the scepter of controlling influence. This will be but the consummation of a movement as old as civilization--a result to which men have looked forward for centuries. John Adams records that nothing was "more ancient in his memory than the observation that arts, sciences and empire had traveled westward; and in conversation it was always added that their next leap would be over the Atlantic into America." He recalled a couplet that had been inscribed or rather drilled, into a rock on the shore of Monument Bay in our old colony of Plymouth:
The Eastern nations sink, their glory ends,
And empire rises where the sun descends. . .
Mr. Darwin is not only disposed to see, in the superior vigor of our people, an illustration of his favorite theory of natural selection, but even intimates that the world's history thus far has been simply preparatory for our future, and tributary to it. He says: "There is apparently much truth in the belief that the wonderful progress of the United States, as well as the character of the people, are the results of natural selection; for the more energetic, restless, and courageous men from all parts of Europe have emigrated during the last ten or twelve generations to that great country, and have there succeeded best. Looking at the distant future, I do not think that the Rev. Mr. Zincke takes an exaggerated view when he says: 'All other series of events-as that which resulted in the culture of mind in Greece, and that which resulted in the Empire of Rome-only appear to have purpose and value when viewed in connection with, or rather as subsidiary to, the great stream of Anglo-Saxon emigration to the West.' "
There is abundant reason to believe that the Anglo-Saxon race is to be, is, indeed, already becoming, more effective here than in the mother country. The marked superiority of this race is due, in large measure, to its highly mixed origin. Says Rawlinson: "It is a general rule, now almost universally admitted by ethnologists, that the mixed races of mankind are superior to the pure ones"; and adds: "Even the Jews, who are so often cited as an example of a race at once pure and strong, may, with more reason, be adduced on the opposite side of the argument." The ancient Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Romans, were all mixed races. Among modem races, the most conspicuous example is afforded by the Anglo-Saxons.... There is here a new commingling of races; and, while the largest injections of foreign blood are substantially the same elements that constituted the original Anglo-Saxon admixture, so that we may infer the general type will be preserved, there are strains of other bloods being added, which, if Mr. Emerson's remark is true, that "the best nations are those most widely related," may be expected to improve the stock, and aid it to a higher destiny. If the dangers of immigration, which have been pointed out, can be successfully met for the next few years, until it has passed its climax, it may be expected to add value to the amalgam which will constitute the new Anglo-Saxon race of the New World. Concerning our future, Herbert Spencer says: "One great result is, I think, tolerably clear. From biological truths it is to be inferred that the eventual mixture of the allied varieties of the Aryan race, forming the population, will produce a more powerful type of man than has hitherto existed, and a type of man more plastic, more adaptable, more capable of undergoing the modifications needful for complete social life. I think, whatever difficulties they may have to surmount, and whatever tribulations they may have to pass through, the Americans may reasonably look forward to a time when they will have produced a civilization grander than any the world has known."
It may be easily shown, and is of no small significance, that the two great ideas of which the Anglo-Saxon is the exponent are having a fuller development in the United States than in Great Britain. There the union of Church and State tends strongly to paralyze some of the members of the body of Christ. Here there is no such influence to destroy spiritual life and power. Here, also, has been evolved the form of government consistent with the largest possible civil liberty. Furthermore, it is significant that the marked characteristics of this race are being here emphasized most. Among the most striking features of the Anglo-Saxon is his money-making power a power of increasing importance in the widening commerce of the world's future. We have seen . . . that, although England is by far the richest nation of Europe, we have already outstripped her in the race after wealth, and we have only begun the development of our vast resources.
Again, another marked characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon is what may be called an instinct or genius for colonizing. His unequaled energy, his indomitable perseverance, and his personal independence, made him a pioneer. He excels all others in pushing his way into new countries. It was those in whom this tendency was strongest that came to America, and this inherited tendency has been further developed by the westward sweep of successive generations across the continent. So noticeable has this characteristic become that English visitors remark it. Charles Dickens once said that the typical American would hesitate to enter heaven unless assured that he could go farther west.
Again, nothing more manifestly distinguishes the Anglo-Saxon than his intense and persistent energy, and he is developing in the United States an energy which, in eager activity and effectiveness, is peculiarly American.
This is due partly to the fact that Americans are much better fed than Europeans, and partly to the undeveloped resources of a new country, but more largely to our climate, which acts as a constant stimulus. Ten years after the landing of the Pilgrims, the Rev. Francis Higginson, a good observer, wrote: "A sup of New England air is better than a whole flagon of English ale." Thus early had the stimulating effect of our climate been noted. Moreover, our social institutions are stimulating. In Europe the various ranks of society are, like the strata of the earth, fixed and fossilized. There can be no great change without a terrible upheaval, a social earthquake. Here society is like the waters of the sea, mobile; as General Garfield said, and so signally illustrated in his own experience, that which is at the bottom to-day may one day flash on the crest of the highest wave. Every one is free to become whatever he can make of himself; free to transform himself from a rail splitter or a tanner or a canal-boy, into the nation's President. Our aristocracy, unlike that of Europe, is open to all comers. Wealth, position, influence, are prizes offered for energy; and every farmer's boy, every apprentice and clerk, every friendless and penniless immigrant, is free to enter the lists. Thus many causes co-operate to produce here the most forceful and tremendous energy in the world.
What is the significance of such facts? These tendencies enfold the future; they are the mighty alphabet with which God writes his prophecies. May we not, by a careful laying together of the letters, spell out something of his meaning? It seems to me that God, with infinite wisdom and skill, is training the Anglo-Saxon race for an hour sure to come in the world's future. Heretofore there has always been in the history of the world a comparatively unoccupied land westward, into which the crowded countries of the East have poured their surplus populations. But the widening waves of migration, which millenniums ago rolled east and west from the valley of the Euphrates, meet to-day on our Pacific coast. There are no more new worlds. The unoccupied arable lands of the earth are limited, and will soon be taken. The time is coming when the pressure of population on the means of subsistence will be felt here as it is now felt in Europe and Asia. Then will the world enter upon a new stage of its history-the final competition of races, for which the Anglo-Saxon is being schooled. Long before the thousand millions are here, the mighty centrifugal tendency, inherent in this stock and strengthened in the United States, will assert itself. Then this race of unequaled energy, with all the majesty of numbers and the might of wealth behind it-the representative, let us hope, of the largest liberty, the purest Christianity, the highest civilization-having developed peculiarly aggressive traits calculated to impress its institutions upon mankind, will spread itself over the earth. If I read not amiss, this powerful race will move down upon Mexico, down upon Central and South America, out upon the islands of the sea, over upon Africa and beyond. And can any one doubt that the results of this competition of races will be the "survival of the fittest?" "Any people," says Dr. Bushnell, "that is physiologically advanced in culture, though it be only in a degree beyond another which is mingled with it on strictly equal terms, is sure to live down and finally live out its inferior. Nothing can save the inferior race but a ready and pliant assimilation. Whether the feebler and more abject races are going to be regenerated and raised up, is already, very much of a question. What if it should be God's plan to people the world with better and finer material?"
1) What is Strong's overall message?
2) Would you consider Strong to be a racist?
3) What motivations would Strong have to promote his message? What are his
goals as a representative of the Protestant Church?
Remember to respond to at least two of your classmates posts!
Josiah Strong on Anglo-Saxon Predominance, 1891
________________________________________
It is not necessary to argue to those for whom I write that the two great needs of mankind, that all men may be lifted up into the light of the highest Christian civilization, are, first, a pure, spiritual Christianity, and second, civil liberty. Without controversy, these are the forces which, in the past, have contributed most to the elevation of the human race, and they must continue to be, in the future, the most efficient ministers to its progress. It follows, then, that the Anglo-Saxon, as the great representative of these two ideas, the depositary of these two greatest blessings, sustains peculiar relations to the world's future, is divinely commissioned to be, in a peculiar sense, his brother's keeper. Add to this the fact of his rapidly increasing strength in modem times, and we have well-nigh a demonstration of his destiny. In 1700 this race numbered less than 6,000,000 souls. In 1800, Anglo-Saxons (I use the term somewhat broadly to include all English speaking peoples) had increased to about 20,500,000, and now, in 1890, they number more than 120,000,000, having multiplied almost six-fold in ninety years. At the end of the reign of Charles 11, the English colonists in America numbered 200,000. During these two hundred years, our population has increased two hundred and fifty-fold. And the expansion of this race has been no less remarkable than its multiplication. In one century the United States has increased its territory ten-fold, while the enormous acquisition of foreign territory by Great Britain-and chiefly within the last hundred years-is wholly unparalleled in history. This mighty Anglo-Saxon race, though comprising only one-thirteenth part of mankind, now rules more than one-third of the earth's surface, and more than one-fourth of its people. And if this race, while growing from 6,000,000 to 120,000,000, thus gained possession of a third portion of the earth, is it to be supposed that when it numbers 1,000,000,000, it will lose the disposition, or lack the power to extend its sway? ...
America is to have the great preponderance of numbers and of wealth, and by the logic of events will follow the scepter of controlling influence. This will be but the consummation of a movement as old as civilization--a result to which men have looked forward for centuries. John Adams records that nothing was "more ancient in his memory than the observation that arts, sciences and empire had traveled westward; and in conversation it was always added that their next leap would be over the Atlantic into America." He recalled a couplet that had been inscribed or rather drilled, into a rock on the shore of Monument Bay in our old colony of Plymouth:
The Eastern nations sink, their glory ends,
And empire rises where the sun descends. . .
Mr. Darwin is not only disposed to see, in the superior vigor of our people, an illustration of his favorite theory of natural selection, but even intimates that the world's history thus far has been simply preparatory for our future, and tributary to it. He says: "There is apparently much truth in the belief that the wonderful progress of the United States, as well as the character of the people, are the results of natural selection; for the more energetic, restless, and courageous men from all parts of Europe have emigrated during the last ten or twelve generations to that great country, and have there succeeded best. Looking at the distant future, I do not think that the Rev. Mr. Zincke takes an exaggerated view when he says: 'All other series of events-as that which resulted in the culture of mind in Greece, and that which resulted in the Empire of Rome-only appear to have purpose and value when viewed in connection with, or rather as subsidiary to, the great stream of Anglo-Saxon emigration to the West.' "
There is abundant reason to believe that the Anglo-Saxon race is to be, is, indeed, already becoming, more effective here than in the mother country. The marked superiority of this race is due, in large measure, to its highly mixed origin. Says Rawlinson: "It is a general rule, now almost universally admitted by ethnologists, that the mixed races of mankind are superior to the pure ones"; and adds: "Even the Jews, who are so often cited as an example of a race at once pure and strong, may, with more reason, be adduced on the opposite side of the argument." The ancient Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Romans, were all mixed races. Among modem races, the most conspicuous example is afforded by the Anglo-Saxons.... There is here a new commingling of races; and, while the largest injections of foreign blood are substantially the same elements that constituted the original Anglo-Saxon admixture, so that we may infer the general type will be preserved, there are strains of other bloods being added, which, if Mr. Emerson's remark is true, that "the best nations are those most widely related," may be expected to improve the stock, and aid it to a higher destiny. If the dangers of immigration, which have been pointed out, can be successfully met for the next few years, until it has passed its climax, it may be expected to add value to the amalgam which will constitute the new Anglo-Saxon race of the New World. Concerning our future, Herbert Spencer says: "One great result is, I think, tolerably clear. From biological truths it is to be inferred that the eventual mixture of the allied varieties of the Aryan race, forming the population, will produce a more powerful type of man than has hitherto existed, and a type of man more plastic, more adaptable, more capable of undergoing the modifications needful for complete social life. I think, whatever difficulties they may have to surmount, and whatever tribulations they may have to pass through, the Americans may reasonably look forward to a time when they will have produced a civilization grander than any the world has known."
It may be easily shown, and is of no small significance, that the two great ideas of which the Anglo-Saxon is the exponent are having a fuller development in the United States than in Great Britain. There the union of Church and State tends strongly to paralyze some of the members of the body of Christ. Here there is no such influence to destroy spiritual life and power. Here, also, has been evolved the form of government consistent with the largest possible civil liberty. Furthermore, it is significant that the marked characteristics of this race are being here emphasized most. Among the most striking features of the Anglo-Saxon is his money-making power a power of increasing importance in the widening commerce of the world's future. We have seen . . . that, although England is by far the richest nation of Europe, we have already outstripped her in the race after wealth, and we have only begun the development of our vast resources.
Again, another marked characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon is what may be called an instinct or genius for colonizing. His unequaled energy, his indomitable perseverance, and his personal independence, made him a pioneer. He excels all others in pushing his way into new countries. It was those in whom this tendency was strongest that came to America, and this inherited tendency has been further developed by the westward sweep of successive generations across the continent. So noticeable has this characteristic become that English visitors remark it. Charles Dickens once said that the typical American would hesitate to enter heaven unless assured that he could go farther west.
Again, nothing more manifestly distinguishes the Anglo-Saxon than his intense and persistent energy, and he is developing in the United States an energy which, in eager activity and effectiveness, is peculiarly American.
This is due partly to the fact that Americans are much better fed than Europeans, and partly to the undeveloped resources of a new country, but more largely to our climate, which acts as a constant stimulus. Ten years after the landing of the Pilgrims, the Rev. Francis Higginson, a good observer, wrote: "A sup of New England air is better than a whole flagon of English ale." Thus early had the stimulating effect of our climate been noted. Moreover, our social institutions are stimulating. In Europe the various ranks of society are, like the strata of the earth, fixed and fossilized. There can be no great change without a terrible upheaval, a social earthquake. Here society is like the waters of the sea, mobile; as General Garfield said, and so signally illustrated in his own experience, that which is at the bottom to-day may one day flash on the crest of the highest wave. Every one is free to become whatever he can make of himself; free to transform himself from a rail splitter or a tanner or a canal-boy, into the nation's President. Our aristocracy, unlike that of Europe, is open to all comers. Wealth, position, influence, are prizes offered for energy; and every farmer's boy, every apprentice and clerk, every friendless and penniless immigrant, is free to enter the lists. Thus many causes co-operate to produce here the most forceful and tremendous energy in the world.
What is the significance of such facts? These tendencies enfold the future; they are the mighty alphabet with which God writes his prophecies. May we not, by a careful laying together of the letters, spell out something of his meaning? It seems to me that God, with infinite wisdom and skill, is training the Anglo-Saxon race for an hour sure to come in the world's future. Heretofore there has always been in the history of the world a comparatively unoccupied land westward, into which the crowded countries of the East have poured their surplus populations. But the widening waves of migration, which millenniums ago rolled east and west from the valley of the Euphrates, meet to-day on our Pacific coast. There are no more new worlds. The unoccupied arable lands of the earth are limited, and will soon be taken. The time is coming when the pressure of population on the means of subsistence will be felt here as it is now felt in Europe and Asia. Then will the world enter upon a new stage of its history-the final competition of races, for which the Anglo-Saxon is being schooled. Long before the thousand millions are here, the mighty centrifugal tendency, inherent in this stock and strengthened in the United States, will assert itself. Then this race of unequaled energy, with all the majesty of numbers and the might of wealth behind it-the representative, let us hope, of the largest liberty, the purest Christianity, the highest civilization-having developed peculiarly aggressive traits calculated to impress its institutions upon mankind, will spread itself over the earth. If I read not amiss, this powerful race will move down upon Mexico, down upon Central and South America, out upon the islands of the sea, over upon Africa and beyond. And can any one doubt that the results of this competition of races will be the "survival of the fittest?" "Any people," says Dr. Bushnell, "that is physiologically advanced in culture, though it be only in a degree beyond another which is mingled with it on strictly equal terms, is sure to live down and finally live out its inferior. Nothing can save the inferior race but a ready and pliant assimilation. Whether the feebler and more abject races are going to be regenerated and raised up, is already, very much of a question. What if it should be God's plan to people the world with better and finer material?"
Friday, January 18, 2008
Semester 1 Review Units 1,2,3
These topics will show up on the cumulative exam next week. Make sure you understand all aspects of each topic because some will be linked to more than 1 question.
1. Bill of Rights
2. Articles of Confederation
3. Native Americans (at least 3 questions)
4. Hartford Convention
5. Northwest Ordinance and Land Ordinance (3 questions)
6. nullification
7. Marbury v. Madison and judicial review
8. Missouri Compromise
9. John Peter Zenger
10. Revolution of 1800
11. Embargo Act and non-Intercourse Act
12. Common Sense
13. Louisiana Purchase
14. Jacksonian Democracy
15. Federalists and anti-Federalists
16. cotton gin
17. Clay’s American System
18. Significance of the War of 1812
19. Shay’s Rebellion
20. Wilmot Proviso
21. Nativists
22. Abolition movement and other reform movements of mid-1800’s
23. Horace Mann
24. Dorothea Dix
25. Seneca Falls Convention
26. popular sovereignty
27. Kansas-Nebraska Act
28. Lincoln Douglas Debates
29. John Brown
30. Freedmen’s Bureau
31. border states
32. black codes
33. Hinton Helper
34. Reconstruction Amendments
1. Bill of Rights
2. Articles of Confederation
3. Native Americans (at least 3 questions)
4. Hartford Convention
5. Northwest Ordinance and Land Ordinance (3 questions)
6. nullification
7. Marbury v. Madison and judicial review
8. Missouri Compromise
9. John Peter Zenger
10. Revolution of 1800
11. Embargo Act and non-Intercourse Act
12. Common Sense
13. Louisiana Purchase
14. Jacksonian Democracy
15. Federalists and anti-Federalists
16. cotton gin
17. Clay’s American System
18. Significance of the War of 1812
19. Shay’s Rebellion
20. Wilmot Proviso
21. Nativists
22. Abolition movement and other reform movements of mid-1800’s
23. Horace Mann
24. Dorothea Dix
25. Seneca Falls Convention
26. popular sovereignty
27. Kansas-Nebraska Act
28. Lincoln Douglas Debates
29. John Brown
30. Freedmen’s Bureau
31. border states
32. black codes
33. Hinton Helper
34. Reconstruction Amendments
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